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Interrogating Culture: For life or for death? Anita Cheria and Edwin

The debate about which is better—nature or nurture—has been an ongoing debate for millennia. Whatever the result, the fact is that ‘nature’ is a given. Humankind has never been at peace with nature—the environment that has been inherited. Therefore, the species has always attempted to change the external world through dominance or through retreating into a mythical world. To cope with the vagrancies of nature—over which there is little control such as birth, death and suffering—humans invent elaborate myths, ritual and pseudo-reality sometimes camouflaged as ‘heaven’, ‘golden ages’ and other utopias of the unremembered past.

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A vegetarian look at the caste system

A vegetarian look at the caste system

A vegetarian look at the caste system

One of the most vicious symbols in the propaganda against the Dalits is the myth of ‘vegetarianism’ being ‘non–violent’ and, as a ‘logical’ outcome, proportional to ritual purity. It is supported by the pseudo–scientific establishment with many reasons—most, if not all, of them false—and naturally so since most of these scientists are products of Brahmanism, and science is a handmaiden of the powerful. Not all science is scientific.

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Witness protection programmes: A critique

Witness protection programmes: A critique
Anita and Edwin

The Government of India has announced its intention to have a comprehensive Witness Protection Programme [WPP], and is in the advanced stages of getting a law passed for the purpose.

The specifics are fine, or at least most of them are. But it does not take into account the social context of the law. This is the greatest flaw in the policy [policy comes first, then law, then enforcement]. The policy as it is, is a copout for the politicians from actually taking care of the security of the community.

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Bombay's bombs, Manmohan's Madness, Medha's Methods and a Silly Supreme Court

On the day that the Prime Minister of India officially requested the Supreme Court of India to permit governments to break the law, tell lies and get away with it, the Bombay Bombs shook the nation. It is a brute reminder that if nations do not understand the language of human rights, it will be forced to understand the pain of the people by violent resistance. The targeting of non-combatants is wrong, by any standards. Those who force dissidence into such acts are to be held equally responsible.

Let us go back a little bit. Just a week back, the Supreme Court of India—no less—admitted a petition that alleged, among others, that the Narmada Bachao Andolan was anti-national. That the Supreme Court has been a biased player in the Narmada saga, which has displaced hundreds of thousands is obvious to all neutral observers after its imprisonment of Arundathi Roy. What takes the cake is that they now want to slap cases on India's premier non-violent movement! After fighting for over 20 years, despite many provocations, the Narmada Bachao Andolan has not chosen the path of violence.

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India's shame: Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958

India's shame: The Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958

REVIEW OF THE AFSPA

(An analysis of the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958)

 

 

Introduction

 

After the alleged extrajudicial execution of 32-year-old, Ms Thangjam Manorama Devi following her arrest as a suspected member of the Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) by the Assam Rifles personnel at 3.30 a.m. on 11 July 2004, Manipur faced unprecedented civil disobedience over the demand for removal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958. Modeled on the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Ordinance promulgated by the colonial British government on 15 August 1942 to suppress “Quit India Movement”, the AFSPA empowers non-commissioned officers to search without warrant, arrest without warrant and shoot even causing of death. The security forces enjoy virtual impunity for any excesses while exercising these unrestrained powers as no one can be prosecuted without the prior permission of the Central government.

 

As a response to the civil disobedience movement led by the Apunba Lup, the Government of India has set up the “Committee to Review the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958”.

 

This paper examines the illegality of the provisions of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act.

 

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Upper castes dominate media: Survey

http://www.rediff.com/news/2006/jun/05quota1.htm?q=tp

Upper castes dominate media: Survey

June 05, 2006 16:39 IST

The news about the national media is hardly flattering if the findings of a survey are to be believed.

The national media, which front-paged the reservation controversy in all its facets, is now itself being sucked into that quagmire with the first-of-its-kind survey revealing that top echelons of media establishments are dominated by ''Hindu upper caste men.''

Jointly conducted by Yogendra Yadav, senior fellow at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Anil Chamaria, a freelance journalist, and Jitendra Kumar from the Media Study Group, the controversial survey says India's 'national media' lacks social diversity and does not reflect the country's social profile.

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Human Rights and Citizenship: Denial and Restoration

Human Rights and Citizenship: denial and restoration
anita cheria and edwin

Citizenship assumes that human rights are fulfilled, and that the other discretionary or ‘specific’ rights that a citizenship confers on a person can be addressed. While all humans—whether criminals, refugees or citizens—have certain rights by virtue of being human, citizenship rights are conferred only on ‘citizens’. In this paper we will look at citizenship rights, who gets them and the long struggle to restore these rights to all ‘citizens’.
In this paper, we first define the concepts: the difference between human rights and citizenship rights. The differences and similarities, specially the overlapping areas, are delineated. We then look at the experiences of citizenship of women, sexuality minorities, Dalits and the Tharu. Finally, we look at the challenges in restoration of citizenship: the roots of the conflict, the shifting goal posts, strata and strategy, the question of violence, relief and rehabilitation, unequal and unfair expectations and standards and global citizenship.

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A human rights based approach to disasters

A human rights based approach to disasters
anita cheria and edwin
[1]
‘It rains on the rich and the poor alike, but more on the poor since the rich have umbrellas’.
Extended a little, it provides a snapshot of the differential effect of disasters. While disasters may or may not affect everyone equally, disaster response is unequal, being a factor of affluence. Both the directly affected and the relief workers respond within the social frameworks that are based on stratification, bias and prejudice.

This note looks at the necessity for a human rights based approach [HRBA] to disasters, and some pointers on what such an approach would look like. It is to introduce the concepts for discussion. It looks at certain principles of what an HRBA would have, and then the areas of special attention. The HRBA is, as its name suggests, an approach, but it does have measurable outputs and increased efficiency. Its applicability is cross-cutting and inter-sectoral.

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human rights, gender and displacement

displacement and rehabilitation institutions and practice

Human rights, gender and displacement

Anita Cheria and Edwin[i]

The issue of gender equality is a fundamental issue that one needs to deal with.

James D Wolfensohn, President, The World Bank Group, 28 January 2002

The issue for us is empowerment. The issue for us is inclusion. The issue for us is to ensure that poor people reach their potential.

James D Wolfensohn, President, The World Bank Group, 7 May 2002

What is not permissible for an individual is not permissible for a group of individuals or a nation.

—M K Gandhi

The bottomline

Disproportionately high numbers of Adivasis and Dalits are displaced in the name of development—ironically for ‘production’ or ‘conservation.’ Often the same community is displaced more than once in a lifetime. The bias against the Adivasi and Dalit communities has been long and widespread, both within and outside India. It has taken different forms as different institutions of the state and those outside it—non-state actors such as religious institutions and businesses—have taken control over their societies and their resources.

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Traffic management and decongestion

Traffic management and decongestion
anita cheria and edwin

Like heart attacks, traffic congestions are a lifestyle problem. When arteries get clogged we get heart attacks. When roads get clogged we get gridlocks. Drastic surgery—such as one-ways and flyovers [analogous to bypass surgeries]—help in the short term.

We need to ask the fundamental question: has the commercial and residential space within the city increased so much for the traffic to increase? If yes, then who gave the permission without considering the impact on the infrastructure? They must be held accountable. Planning decongestion is a onetime affair. Creating one ways, modifying zonal restrictions and tinkering are like heart surgery—useful only once. What the city needs is a change in lifestyle, a new approach to planning and design. Tinkering will not help.

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Human Rights and Capital Punishment: Time to join civilisation

Human Rights and Capital Punishment: Time to join civilisation
Anita Cheria
While human rights defenders have long campaigned for the abolition of the death penalty in India, it is President Abdul Kalam who has brought it to the centre stage with his request to the government to review all pending cases due to the capital punishment being so obviously applied with a bias against the economically and socially weaker sections: meaning the poor and the ‘lower’ castes.

India is one of 78 countries including the US, China, Iran and Vietnam which have not banned the death penalty. 86 countries and territories have abolished the death penalty for all crimes, and a total of 121 countries have abolished the death penalty in law or practice. Over 40 countries have abolished the death penalty for all crimes since 1990.

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India: A Revolution from below

India: A Revolution from below
Anita Cheria and Edwin
This elections will have a crucial difference: the third generation of Indians will vote. Assuming that Indians have children at the age of 18—and many do before that—we needed 54 years [18 x 3] after independence for this to happen. With this ‘grandchildren of the revolution’ voting, it marks an important milestone and coming of age of the silent revolution that is overtaking India. This is a revolution of the consciousness and changes the way India looks at itself and the rest of the world.

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Creating sustainable communities

Creating sustainable communities
anita cheria and edwin

Sustainability is not a permanent condition. Creating sustainable communities out of the presently marginalised and excluded is not an easy task. But it is possible. Sustainability of a community is its survival with security and self–respect. It is the power to access and control the resource base. The fundamental requirement for a sustainable community is that the locus of power lies within it. It means that social, political and economic power, in the long run, has to be a part of the in–built capacity of the people. This capacity has to have the resilience to adapt to change and stay on top of the evolving situation in a world in permanent transition. The initial provocation, leadership or support may be external, but this should not be for long. In the long term there is a contradiction between sustainability and dependence.

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Dalits: From exclusion to assertion

There are over 260 million people in the world who are voiceless victims of caste discrimination who continue to suffer from extreme forms of segregation, violence, and exploitation because of their ‘low caste’ or outcaste status or other forms of discrimination based on work and descent. About 66% of them are from India.

Communities adversely affected by caste or caste–based systems include the Dalits of Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Buraku of Japan, Osu of Nigeria, and Rodiya of Sri Lanka. Others with caste or caste–like systems include Senegal, Mauritania, Madagascar, Mali, Guinea and regions with significant Indian Diaspora such as Eastern and Southern Africa, North America, the Caribbean, the United Kingdom, Malaysia and the United States.

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