REVIEW
OF THE AFSPA
(An analysis of the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958)
Introduction
After the
alleged extrajudicial execution of 32-year-old, Ms Thangjam Manorama Devi
following her arrest as a suspected member of the Peoples Liberation Army (PLA)
by the Assam Rifles personnel at
As a response to the civil
disobedience movement led by the Apunba Lup, the Government of India has set up
the “Committee to Review the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958”.
This paper examines the
illegality of the provisions of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act.
Section 3: Undeclared Public
Emergency
Section 3 of the Armed
Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 provides that:
“If
in relation to any State or Union Territory to which this Act extends, the
Governor of the State, or the Administrator of the Union Territory, or the
Central Government in either case, is of the opinion that the whole or any is
in such a disturbed or dangerous condition that the use of Armed Forces in aid
of civil power is necessary, the Governor of that State or the Administrator of
that Union Territory or the Central Government as the case may be, may, by
notification in the Official Gazette, declare the whole or such part of such
State or Union Territory to be a disturbed area”.
The process of declaration
of emergency under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 as amended in
1972, violates the provisions of the Constitution of India and International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to which
Domestic Law:
Under the AFSPA, the
authorities only need to be "of the opinion that whole or parts of the
area are in a dangerous or disturbed condition such that the use of the Armed
Forces in aid of civil powers is necessary." There is no definition of
what constitutes “dangerous or disturbed condition”.
The vagueness of this
definition was challenged in Indrajit Barua v. State of Assam case (AIR 1983 Del 513). The court decided that the
lack of precision to the definition of a disturbed area was not an issue
because the government and people of
The Disturbed Areas (Special
Courts) Act, 1976, however, provides a clear definition. Under the Disturbed
Areas (Special Courts) Act of 1976, an area may be declared disturbed when
"a State Government is satisfied that (i) there was, or (ii) there is, in
any area within a State extensive disturbance of the public peace and
tranquility, by reason of differences or disputes between members of different
religions, racial, language, or regional groups or castes or communities, it
may ... declare such area to be a disturbed area." The lack of precision
in the definition of a disturbed area under the AFSPA demonstrates that the
government is not interested in putting safeguards on its application of the AFSPA.[2]
In the original version of
the Armed Forces Special Powers Act of 1958, only the state governments had the
power to declare an area as disturbed. This was consistent with Article 246 of
the Constitution of India[3]
to be read with the 7th Schedule of the Constitution of India which
places “law and order” under the State’s list. The 1972 amendments to the AFSPA
took away the power from the State government and its legislative Assembly and
handed it over to an appointee of the Central Government. This is despite the fact that President can
proclaim emergency under Article 356 of the Constitution of India.
Therefore, under the Armed
Forces Special Powers Act, the Central government subsumes the powers of the
State governments to declare certain parts or whole of a State or
Indian judiciary has failed
to uphold the provisions of the Constitution and federal nature of the country
in areas relating to internal conflict situations.
The Supreme Court of India
in its judgement of
“(6) The Central
Act cannot be regarded as a colourable legislation or a fraud on the
Constitution. It is not a measure intended to achieve the same result as
contemplated by a Proclamation of Emergency under Article 352 or a proclamation
under Article 356 of the Constitution.
(7) Section 3 of
the Central act does not confer an arbitrary or unguided power to declare an
area as a 'disturbed area". For declaring an area as a 'disturbed
area" under Section 3 there must exist a grave situation of law and order
on the basis of which the Governor/Administrator of the State/Union territory
of the Central Government can from an opinion that the area is in such a
disturbed or dangerous condition that the use of the armed forces in aid of
civil power is necessary.
(8) A declaration
under Section 3 has to be for a limited duration and there should be periodic
review of the declaration before the expiry of six months.
(9) Although a
declaration under Section 3 can be made by the Central Government suo motto
without consulting the concerned State Government, but it is desirable that the
State Government be consulted while making the declaration.
(10) The
conferment of the power to make a declaration under Section 3 of the Central
Act on the Governor of the State cannot be regarded as delegation of the power
of the Central Government.
(11) The
conferment of the power to make a declaration under Section 3 of the Central
Act of the Government is not violative of the federal scheme as envisaged by
the Constitution”.
On
International Law:
“1. In time of
public emergency which threatens the life of the nation and the existence of
which is officially proclaimed, the States Parties to the present Covenant may
take measures derogating from their obligations under the present Covenant to
the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, provided that
such measures are not inconsistent with their other obligations under
international law and do not involve discrimination solely on the ground of
race, colour, sex, language, religion or social origin.
2. No derogation
from articles 6, 7, 8 (paragraphs I and 2), 11, 15, 16 and 18 may be made under
this provision.
3. Any State Party to the present Covenant availing itself of the right
of derogation shall immediately inform the other States Parties to the present
Covenant, through the intermediary of the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, of the provisions from which it has derogated and of the reasons by
which it was actuated. A further communication shall be made, through the same
intermediary, on the date on which it terminates such derogation.”
The United Nations Human
Rights Committee, in its General Comment No 29 on Article 4, explains the
circumstances under which measures derogating from the provisions of the
Covenant may be taken. It states:
“Measures
derogating from the provisions of the Covenant must be of an exceptional and
temporary nature. Before a State moves
to invoke article 4, two fundamental conditions must be met: the situation must
amount to a public emergency, which threatens the life of the nation, and the
State party must have officially proclaimed a state of emergency. The latter requirement is essential for the
maintenance of the principles of legality and rule of law at times when they
are most needed. When proclaiming a
state of emergency with consequences that could entail derogation from any
provision of the Covenant, States must act within their constitutional and
other provisions of law that govern such proclamation and the exercise of
emergency powers.”[6]
Article 4(2) of the ICCPR
requires that certain rights may not be derogated from under any circumstances.
The Human Rights Committee in its General Comment No. 29 further states:
“Article 4,
paragraph 2, of the Covenant explicitly prescribes that no derogation from the
following articles may be made: article
6 (right to life), article 7 (prohibition of torture or cruel, inhuman or
degrading punishment, or of medical or scientific experimentation without
consent), article 8, paragraphs 1 and 2 (prohibition of slavery, slave-trade
and servitude), article 11 (prohibition of imprisonment because of inability to
fulfill a contractual obligation), article 15 (the principle of legality in the
field of criminal law, i.e. the requirement of both criminal liability and
punishment being limited to clear and precise provisions in the law that was in
place and applicable at the time the act or omission took place, except in
cases where a later law imposes a lighter penalty), article 16 (the recognition
of everyone as a person before the law), and article 18 (freedom of thought,
conscience and religion). The rights enshrined in these provisions are
non-derogable by the very fact that they are listed in article 4, paragraph
2. The same applies, in relation to
States that are parties to the Second Optional Protocol to the Covenant, aiming
at the abolition of the death penalty, as prescribed in article 6 of that
Protocol. Conceptually, the
qualification of a Covenant provision as a non-derogable one does not mean that
no limitations or restrictions would ever be justified. The reference in article 4, paragraph 2, to
article 18, a provision that includes a specific clause on restrictions in its
paragraph 3, demonstrates that the permissibility of restrictions is independent
of the issue of derogability. Even in times of most serious public emergencies,
States that interfere with the freedom to manifest one’s religion or belief
must justify their actions by referring to the requirements specified in
article 18, paragraph 3. On several occasions the Committee has expressed its
concern about rights that are non-derogable according to article 4, paragraph
2, being either derogated from or under a risk of derogation owing to
inadequacies in the legal regime of the State party”.[7]
The Human Rights Committee
in its General Comment No. 29 further states:
“The fact that
some of the provisions of the Covenant have been listed in article 4
(paragraph 2), as not being subject to derogation does not mean that other
articles in the Covenant may be subjected to derogations at will, even where a
threat to the life of the nation exists.
The legal obligation to narrow down all derogations to those strictly
required by the exigencies of the situation establishes both for States parties
and for the Committee a duty to conduct a careful analysis under each article
of the Covenant based on an objective assessment of the actual situation”. [8]
In its General Comment No.
29, the Human Rights Committee developed a list of elements that cannot be
subject to lawful derogation.[9]
These elements include the
following: all persons deprived of liberty must be
treated with respect for their dignity; the prohibition against hostage‑taking,
abduction, or unacknowledged detention; the protection of persons belonging
to minorities; the prohibition of unlawful deportation or transfer of
population; and that “no declaration of a state of emergency … may be invoked
as justification for a State party to engage itself … in propaganda for war, or
in advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that would constitute
incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence.”[10]
In any event, where
derogation is invoked, there is an obligation under Article 4(3) to notify
other States parties through the United Nations Secretary-General and to
indicate the provisions from which a State has derogated and the reasons for
such derogation.
Though Manipur has been
under emergency since 1980, the government of
Not surprisingly, the United
Nations Human Rights Committee while examining the third periodic report of
Section 4: Operation of the
AFSPA
The operative clauses of the
Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 allow extrajudicial executions under
section 4(a), destruction of properties and firing upon any absconder without
any warning under section 4(b), arrest without warrant under section 4(c) and
search and seizure without warrant under section 4(d).
A comparison with the
relevant provisions of the Indian Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) and Indian
Penal Code (IPC) shows that the AFSPA violates the laws of the land.
Comparison of the AFSPA and
Cr.PC. and IPC
Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958
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Criminal Procedure Code, 1973/Indian Penal
Code
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|
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|
1. Powers of Arrest Sec. 4 Special Power of the Armed Forces – Any
commissioned officer, warrant officer, non commissioned officer or any other
person of equivalent rank in the armed forces may, in a disturbed area- (c) arrest, without
warrant, any person who has committed a cognisable offence or against whom a
reasonable suspicion exists that he has committed or is about to commit a
cognisable offence and may use such force as may be necessary to effect the
arrest; |
41.When police may arrest
without warrant.- (1) Any police officer may without an order
from a Magistrate and without a warrant, arrest any person- (2) When the true name and
residence of such person have been ascertained, he shall be released on his
executing a bond, with or without sureties, to appear before a Magistrate if
so required:
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|
2. Powers of search and
seizure 4. Special Power of the
Armed Forces – Any commissioned officer, warrant officer, non commissioned
officer or any other person of equivalent rank in the armed forces may, in a
disturbed area- (d) enter and search
without warrant any premises to make any such arrest as aforesaid or to
recover any person believed to be wrongfully restrained or confined or any
property reasonably suspected to be stolen property or any arms, ammunition
or explosive substances believed to be unlawfully kept in such premises and
may for that Purpose use such force as may be necessary. (c) arrest, without
warrant, any person who has committed a cognizable offence or against whom a
reasonable suspicion exists that he has committed or is about to commit a
cognizable offence and may use such force as may be necessary to effect the
arrest; (b) if he is of opinion
that it is necessary so to do, destroy any arms dump, prepared or fortified
position or shelter from which armed attacks are made or are likely to be
made or are attempted to be made, or any structure used as a training camp
for armed volunteers or utilized as a hide-out by armed gangs or absconders
wanted for any offence; |
47.Search of place entered
by person sought to be arrested.- (1) If any person acting under a warrant
of arrest, or any police officer having authority to arrest, has reason to
believe that the person to be arrested has entered into, or is within, any
place, any person residing in, or being in charge of, such place shall, on
demand of such person acting as aforesaid or such police officer, allow him
free ingress thereto, and afford all reasonable facilities for a search
therein. 52.Power to seize
offensive weapons.-The officer or other person making any arrest
under this Code may take from the person arrested any offensive weapons which
he has about his person, and shall deliver all weapons so taken to the Court
or officer before which or whom the officer or person making the arrest is
required by this Code to produce the person arrested. |
|
3. Power to open fire even to the extent of causing death 4. Special Power of the
Armed Forces – Any commissioned officer, warrant officer, non commissioned
officer or any other person of equivalent rank in the armed forces may, in a
disturbed area- (a) if he is of opinion
that it is necessary so to do for the maintenance of Public order, after
giving such due warning as he may consider necessary, fire upon or otherwise
use force, even to the causing of death, against any person who is acting in
contravention of any law or order for the time being in force in the
disturbed area prohibiting the assembly of five or more persons or the
carrying of weapons or of things capable of being used as weapons or of
fire-arms, ammunition or explosive substances; |
No specific right to open fire except what is given as under the
following provisions of the Indian Penal Code– 76. Act done by a person
bound, or by mistake of fact believing himself bound, by law 100. When the right of
private defence of the body extends to causing death
|
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4. Immunity from legal
consequences Sec. 6-Protection to
Persons acting under Act – No persecution, suit or other legal proceeding
shall be instituted, except with the previous sanction of the Central
Government, against any person in respect of anything done or purported to be
done in exercise of the powers conferred by this Act. |
45.Protection of members
of the Armed Forces from arrest.- (1) Notwithstanding anything contained
in sections 41 to 44 (both inclusive), no member of the Armed Forces of the
Union shall be arrested for anything done or purported to be done by him in
the discharge of his official duties except after obtaining the consent of
the Central Government.
197. Prosecution of Judges
and public servants.- (1) When any person who is or was a Judge or
Magistrate or a public servant not removable from his office save by or with
the sanction of the Government is accused of any offence alleged to have been
committed by him while acting or purporting to act in the discharge of his
official duty, no Court shall take cognizance of such offence except with the
previous sanction-
|
For understanding of the operation
of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 and extrajudicial executions under
the Act, the operative clauses of Section 4 of the Act needs to be read and
considered in reverse order. While section 4(d) of the AFSPA allows search
without warrant, section 4(c) allows arrest without warrant. The armed forces
are allowed to destroy properties without any verification under section 4(b).
The lack of any record while conducting search, affecting warrants or
destroying properties facilitate extrajudicial executions under section 4(a). Under Section 6
of the AFSPA, the armed forces enjoy virtual impunity as none can be prosecuted
without the prior permission of the Central government.
Section 4 (d) of the Armed
Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 provides,
“Any commissioned officer, warrant officer, non-commissioned officer or
any other person of equivalent rank in the Armed Forces may, in a disturbed
area,
enter
and search without warrant any premises to make any such arrest as aforesaid or
to recover any person believed to be wrongfully restrained or confined or any
property or any arms, ammunition or explosive substance believed to be
unlawfully kept in such premises: and may for that purpose use such force as
may be necessary.”
The search and seizure
proceedings laid down in the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) for the police
are not followed by the armed forces. Yet, the Supreme Court of India in its
judgement of 27 November 1997 while upholding the constitutional validity of the
AFSPA assumed that the guidelines provided under the CrPC
would be followed despite the myriad of instances where they were not.[12] The
Supreme Court in its judgement of
“(16) The
property or the arms, ammunition etc., seized during the course of search
conducted under Section 4(d) of the Central Act must be handed over to officer
in charge of the nearest police station together with a report of the
circumstances occasioning such search and seizure.
(17) The
provision of Cr.P.C. governing search and seizure have to be followed during
the course of search and seizure conducted in exercise of the power conferred
under Section 4(d) of the Central Act.”
Section 4(c) gives the
authorities the authorisation to:
“Any commissioned officer, warrant officer, non-commissioned officer or
any other person of equivalent rank in the Armed Forces may, in a disturbed
area, arrest, without warrant, any person who has committed a cognisable
offence or against whom a reasonable suspicion exists that he has committed or
is about to commit a cognisable offence and may use such force as may be
necessary to effect the arrest;”
Under section 4(c), any one
can be arrested on the mere suspicion that he/she is going to commit an
offence. This violates provisions of the Indian Criminal Procedure Code and
Article 22 of the constitution of
The Supreme Court in its
judgement of
(15) A person
arrested and taken into custody in exercise of the powers under Section 4(c) of
the Central Act should be handed over to the officer in charge of the nearest
police station with least possible delay so that he can be produced before
nearest Magistrate within 24 hours of such arrest excluding the time taken for
journey from the place of arrest to the court of magistrate.
The case of Luithukla v.
Rishang Keishing, (1988) 2 GLR 159, a habeas corpus case, exemplifies the
total lack of restraint on the armed forces when carrying out arrests. The case was brought to ascertain the
whereabouts of a man who had been arrested five years previously by the
army. The court found that the man had
been detained by the army and that the forces had mistaken their role of
"aiding civil power". The court said that the army may not act
independently of the district administration. Repeatedly, the Guwahati High
Court has told the army to comply with the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC),
but there is no enforcement of these rulings.
The provision violates the customary Indian Code of
Criminal Procedure. Section 50(1) of the
Code of Criminal Procedure provides that "Every police officer or other
person arresting any person without warrant shall forthwith communicate to him full
particulars of the offence for which he is arrested or other grounds for such
arrest."[14]
Section 4(b): License to destroy property without verification
The next subsection reads:
if he is of opinion that it is necessary so to
do, destroy any arms dump, prepared or fortified position or shelter from which
armed attacks are made or are likely to
be made or are attempted to be made, or any structure used as a training camp
for armed volunteers or utilised as a hide-out by armed gangs or absconders
wanted for any offence;
Section 4(b) is in clear
violation of the Indian Constitution.
"The Supreme Court has laid down in judgement after judgement that
absconding by itself is not conclusive either of guilt or of a guilty
conscience."[15] The presumption of innocence against the
absconders is not respected. In the name of absconders, the armed forces have
destroyed homes, schools, and even churches.
Every home in the North East is looked upon with suspicion and as a place
from where armed attacks can be made"[16]
Section 4 (a): Lincense to
kill
“Any commissioned officer, warrant officer,
non- commissioned officer or any other person of equivalent rank in the Armed
Forces may, in a disturbed area, (a) if he is of opinion that it is necessary
so to do for the maintenance of public order, after giving such due warning as
he may consider necessary, fire upon or otherwise use force, even to the
causing of death against any person who is acting in contravention of any law
or order for the time being in force in the disturbed area prohibiting the
assembly of five or more persons or the carrying of weapons or of things
capable of being used as weapons or of fire-arms, ammunition or explosive
substances;
This provision gives license
to kill innocent and suspected persons under the disguise of maintaining law
and order and violates provisions of national and international human rights
law.
This provision of the AFSPA
violates Article 21 of the Constitution of India. Article 21 provides that
"No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except
according to procedure established by law." The courts have explained that
a "procedure established by law" under Article 21 is a procedure
which is reasonable, fair and just.
"Does the honourable minister feel that this is the procedure, he
can shoot if it is a disturbed area, that is the procedure established by law?
He can shoot. Anybody can be killed or shot at, but is this procedure
established by law, does it go to that extent? Article 21 says that no person can
be deprived of his life. Here any person can be deprived of life by any
commissioned officer, he can shoot." -- asked the Speaker of Lok Sabha on
One of the experts of the
United Nations Human Rights Committee while examining the third periodic report
of
Article 3 of the United
Nations Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials stipulates under
what circumstances the officials may use force. It states, Law enforcement
officials may use force only when strictly necessary and to the extent required
for the performance of their duty”. In
its commentary it, further states
(a) This provision emphasizes that the use of force by law enforcement
officials should be exceptional; while it implies that law enforcement
officials may be authorized to use force as is reasonably necessary under the
circumstances for the prevention of crime or in effecting or assisting in the
lawful arrest of offenders or suspected offenders, no force going beyond that
may be used.
(b) National law
ordinarily restricts the use of force by law enforcement officials in
accordance with a principle of proportionality. It is to be understood that
such national principles of proportionality are to be respected in the
interpretation of this provision. In no case should this provision be
interpreted to authorize the use of force, which is disproportionate to the
legitimate objective to be achieved.
(c) The use of
firearms is considered an extreme measure. Every effort should be made to
exclude the use of firearms, especially against children. In general, firearms
should not be used except when a suspected offender offers armed resistance or
otherwise jeopardizes the lives of others and less extreme measures are not
sufficient to restrain or apprehend the suspected offender. In every instance
in which a firearm is discharged, a report should be made promptly to the
competent authorities.
The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by
Law Enforcement Officials, adopted in 1990, restrict the situations in which
firearms should be used, and specify the intentional lethal use of firearms
only when strictly unavoidable in order to protect life.
“9. Law
enforcement officials shall not use firearms against persons except in
self-defence or defence of others against the imminent threat of death or
serious injury, to prevent the perpetration of a particularly serious crime
involving grave threat to life, to arrest a person presenting such a danger and
resisting their authority, or to prevent his or her escape, and only when less
extreme means are insufficient to achieve these objectives. In any event,
intentional lethal use of firearms may only be made when strictly unavoidable
in order to protect life.
10. In the
circumstances provided for under principle 9, law enforcement officials shall
identify themselves as such and give a clear warning of their intent to use
firearms, with sufficient time for the warning to be observed, unless to do so
would unduly place the law enforcement officials at risk or would create a risk
of death or serious harm to other persons, or would be clearly inappropriate or
pointless in the circumstances of the incident.
11. Rules and
regulations on the use of firearms by law enforcement officials should include
guidelines that:
(a)
Specify the circumstances under which law
enforcement officials are authorized to carry firearms and prescribe the types
of firearms and ammunition permitted;
(b)
Ensure that firearms are used only in appropriate
circumstances and in a manner likely to decrease the risk of unnecessary harm;
(c)
Prohibit the use of those firearms and ammunition
that cause unwarranted injury or present an unwarranted risk;
(d)
Regulate the control, storage and issuing of
firearms, including procedures for ensuring that law enforcement officials are
accountable for the firearms and ammunition issued to them;
(e)
Provide for warnings to be given, if appropriate,
when firearms are to be discharged;
(f)
Provide for a system of reporting whenever law
enforcement officials use firearms in the performance of their duty.
Yet the Supreme Court of
Section 6:
Impunity to the armed forces
Under Section 6 of the Armed
Forces Special Powers Act, "No prosecution, suit or other legal
proceedings shall be instituted, except with the previous sanction of the
Central Government against any person in respect of anything done or purported
to be done in exercise of powers conferred by this Act."[19]
This provision virtually
eliminates any prosecution of armed forces personnel.[20]
This despite the government of
While examining the third
periodic report of the government of India, an expert of the United Nations
Human Rights Committee stated “Article 6 of the Armed Forces (Special Powers)
Act, which prevented all legal proceedings against members of the armed forces,
was extremely worrying; if the Government's fear was that citizens would bring
vexatious or frivolous actions, that was a matter better left to the courts to
resolve. It was inadmissible for citizens to be deprived of a remedy as was at
present the case”.[21]
In its Concluding
Observations, the United Nations Human Rights Committee noted “with concern
that criminal prosecutions or civil proceedings against members of the security
and armed forces, acting under special powers, may not be commenced without the
sanction of the central Government. This contributes to a climate of impunity
and deprives people of remedies to which they may be entitled in accordance
with article 2, paragraph 3, of the Covenant”. Therefore the Committee
recommended, “that the requirement of governmental sanction for civil
proceedings be abolished and that it be left to the courts to decide whether
proceedings are vexatious or abusive. It urges that judicial inquiries be
mandatory in all cases of death at the hands of the security and armed forces
and that the judges in such inquiries, including those under the Commission of
Enquiry Act of 1952, be empowered to direct the prosecution of security and
armed forces personnel”.
The Supreme Court in its
judgement on the constitutional validity of the AFSPA stated that “Section 6 of
the Central Act in so far as it confers a discretion on the Central Government
to grant or refuse sanction for instituting prosecution or suit or proceeding
against any person in respect of anything done or purported to be done in
exercise of the powers conferred by the Act does not suffer from the vice of arbitrariness.
Since the order of the Central Government refusing or granting the sanction
under Section 6 is subject to judicial review, the Central Government shall
pass an order giving reasons”.
The defiance by the Assam
Rifles to appear even before the Justice C Upendra Commission of Inquiry into
the Death of Thangjam Manorama Devi has exposed how presumptuous the Supreme
Court of India was.
The armed forces have always
been treated as holy cows. They are also kept out of the purview of the
National Human Rights Commission under the Protection of Human Rights Act of
1993. Section 19 of Human Rights Protection Act of 1993 provides:
"19.
Procedure with respect to armed forces
(1)
Notwithstanding anything contained in this Act, while dealing with complaints
of violation of human rights by members of the armed forces, the Commission
shall adopt the following procedure, namely:-
(a) it may,
either on its own motion or on receipt of a petition, seek a report from the
Central Government;
(b) after the receipt
of the report, it may, either not proceed with the complaint or, as the case
may be, make its recommendations to that Government.
(2) The Central Government shall inform the
Commission of the action taken on the recommendations within three months or such
further time as the Commission may allow.
(3) The Commission shall publish its report
together with its recommendations made to the Central Government and the action
taken by that Government on such recommendations.
(4) The Commission shall provide a copy of
the report published under sub-section (3) to the petitioner or his
representative.[22]
The NHRC basically serves as
the glorified post box with regard to the violations by the armed forces. This
is despite the fact that according to 2002-03 Annual Report of the Ministry of
Home Affairs (MHA) of the Government of India, 14 out of 28 States of India are
afflicted by internal armed conflicts.[23]
Hundreds of thousands of armed forces consisting of the para-military forces
under the control of the government of
A handbook on the
establishment and operation of National Human Rights Institutions published by
the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva
states that "Designating the military as exempt from the complaints
mechanism may also have a detrimental effect on an institution's effectiveness,
particularly in view of the strength of the military in many States and its
corresponding potential to violate human rights."[24]
The United Nations Human
Rights Committee while examining
The NHRC itself has taken up
the issue on various occasions. NHRC urged that impunity to the armed forces
bring no credit to the government and the security forces and “it thwarts the
purposes of justice and the prime objective leading to the establishment of
this Commission, namely the need to ensure the "better protection" of
human rights in the country”.[25]
The government of India in a "memorandum of action taken" of December
2003 on the 2001-02 annual report of the National Human Rights Commission
(NHRC) of India however has rejected the NHRC’s demand for amendment of Section
19 of the Human Rights Protection Act (HRPA) of 1993 to give powers to
investigate allegations of human rights violations against the armed forces.
The government of
4. Conclusions and
recommendations
“Respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law are
essential tools in the effort to combat terrorism — not privileges to be
sacrificed at a time of tension.” – Secretary General Kofi Annan in March 2003 at
a meeting of the Counter-Terrorism Committee of the Security Council with
regional organizations.
There is no doubt that States have legitimate reasons, right and duty
to take all due measures to eliminate terrorism to protect their nationals, human
rights, democracy and the rule of law and to bring the perpetrators of such
acts to justice. However, short-circuiting of justice has blurred the
distinction between those who are contemptuous of the law and those who preach
the values of democracy, rule of law and due process of law.
The United Nations Special
Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary and Arbitrary Executions lucidly
summarised the impunity and extrajuducial executions in her report to the 57th
session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights:
“Impunity
for human rights offenders seriously undermines the rule of law, and also
widens the gap between those close to the power structures and others who are
vulnerable to human rights abuses. In
this way, human rights violations are perpetuated or sometimes even encouraged,
as perpetrators feel that they are free to act in a climate of impunity. ….., extrajudicial killings and acts of
murder may sometimes also go unpunished because of the sex, religious belief,
or ethnicity of the victim. Long-standing discrimination and prejudice against
such groups are often used as justification of these crimes. The increasing
difficulties in securing justice alienate the people from the State and may
drive them to take the law into their own hands, resulting in a further erosion
of the justice system and a vicious circle of violence and retaliation. If unaddressed, such situations may easily
degenerate into a state of anarchy and social disintegration. Human rights protection and respect for the rule
of law are central to lasting peace and stability. It is, therefore, crucial that conflict
prevention strategies and post‑conflict peace‑building efforts
include effective measures to end the culture of impunity and protect the rule
of law.”[27]
Manipur is an apt example.
Since Manipur
has been declared as a Disturbed Area in 1980, according to Manipur Chief
Minister Ibobi Singh over 8,000 innocent persons and over 12,000 members of
armed opposition groups and security forces have lost their lives.[28] There were only about
four armed groups in Manipur in 1980 and there are over 20 armed opposition
groups at present. The AFSPA has manifestly failed to resolve the insurgency problem.
If the AFSPA is repealed,
Asian Centre for Human Rights makes the following recommendations:
First, the state governments
must have the sole right to declare certain areas or the whole of State as
“disturbed” subject to the approval by the State legislative assembly.
Therefore, Section 3 of the AFSPA be amended.
Second, the Supreme Court in
its judgement stated that the AFSPA “does not
displace the civil power of the State by the armed forces of the Union and it
only provides for deployment of armed forces of the Union in aid of the civil
power”. If that is followed in
practice, the armed forces must operate under civil power. Therefore,
provisions giving special powers to the armed forces pertaining for search and
seizure under section 4(d), arrest under section 4(c), destroying hideouts of
the “absconders wanted for any offence” under section 4(b) and the power to use
force including “the right to fire upon or otherwise use force, even to the
causing of death” under section 4(a) are inconsonant with the intent and be
amended to comply with normal Criminal Procedure Code or Indian Penal Code. In
fact, Section 5 of the AFSPA provides that “any
person arrested and taken into custody under this Act shall be made over to the
officer-in-charge of the nearest police station with the least possible delay,
together with a report of the circumstances occasioning the arrest”. If such a
procedure could be laid down with regard to the arrest, there is no reason as
to why similar procedure cannot laid down with respect to other provisions. The
problem is such a procedure is seldom respected by the armed forces. Therefore,
there is a need to incorporate necessary clauses both to ensure that the
procedures are followed and punishment be awarded for the failure to respect
the procedures laid down in the Act.
Third, Section 6 of the
AFSPA has been overtaken section 197 of the Criminal Procedure Code. Since its
amendment in 1991, permission from the concerned State or Central Government
for prosecution is mandatory. If the Centre were to give permission under
section 197, there is no reason as to why the same will not be accorded under
AFSPA.
[1].www.hrdc.net/sahrdc/resources/armed_forces.htm
[2].www.hrdc.net/sahrdc/resources/armed_forces.htm
and the bare act is also available at
http://www.northeastvigil.com/facts/nedocs/docdasc.htm
[3].
246. Subject-matter of laws made by
Parliament and by the Legislatures of States.- (1)
Notwithstanding anything in clauses (2)
and (3), Parliament has exclusive power
to make laws with respect to any of the
matters enumerated in List I in the Seventh Schedule (in this Constitution referred to as the
"Union List").
(2) Notwithstanding anything in clause (3),
Parliament, and, subject to clause (1), the Legislature of any State
_219*** also, have power to make laws
with respect to any of the matters enumerated in List III in the
Seventh Schedule (in this
Constitution referred to as the
"Concurrent List").
(3)
Subject to clauses (1) and (2), the Legislature of any State 219*** has
exclusive power to make laws for such State or any part thereof with respect to
any of the matters enumerated in List II in the Seventh Schedule (in this
Constitution referred to as the
"State List").
(4)
Parliament has power to make laws with respect to any matter for any part of
the
[4]
. Writ petition (Crl) 550 of 1982 with Writ Petition (C) Nos. 5328/80,
9229-30/82, Civil Appeals Nos. 721 to 724 of 1985, 2173-76/1991,2551/81 and
Writ Petition (C) Nos. 13644-45/84
[5]
. Ibobi govt extends disturbed area status, The Telegraph, Kolkata,
[6]
CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add.11,
31
August 2001
[7]
Ibid. See also the following comments/concluding observations:
[8]
CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add.11,
31
August 2001
[9]
ibid.
[10]
Ibid
[11]
. http://www.hrdc.net/sahrdc/hrfeatures/HRF51.htm
[12]
. Writ petition (Crl) 550 of 1982 with Writ Petition (C) Nos. 5328/80,
9229-30/82, Civil Appeals Nos. 721 to 724 of 1985, 2173-76/1991,2551/81 and
Writ Petition (C) Nos. 13644-45/84
[13]
. Missions incompatible, by Suhas Chakma, The Telegraph,
[14]
. Ibid
[15]
In Rehman v. The State of
[16]
As quoted in the Arguments and Submissions made in Civil Rule No. 11
challenging the Constitutional Validity of the AFSPA, 30.
[17]
. Lok Sabha Debates on
[18]
CCPR/C/SR.1606 of
[19]
. Missons incompatible, by Suhas Chakma, The Telegraph,
[20]
http://www.hrdc.net/sahrdc/hrfeatures/HRF51.htm
[21]
CCPR/C/SR.1606 of
[22]
National Human Rights Commission, The
Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993,
[23]
http://www.mha.nic.in/annual-2002-2003/ch-3.pdf
[24] Office of the High Commissioner for Human
Rights, National Human Rights
Institutions, no.4 (Geneva: United Nations, 1995), 29.
[25] Annual Report of NHRC 1999-2000
[26] The Asian Age,
[27]
. E/CN.4/2001/9
and Corr.1
[28]
. Ibobi unhappy over mushrooming growth of ultras' outfits, The Sangai Express,
Imphal,